Despite some highly publicized
counterexamples, rich people donate a smaller percentage of their
income to charity than poor people. In a 2001 survey, the Independent Sector found that families earning less than $25,000 per
year give away on average 4.2% of their incomes to charity, while
those earning more than $75,000 per year give away 2.7%. In a series of four laboratory experiments, Piff and his colleagues found upper
class participants to be less generous, trusting and helpful than
lower class participants. A new set of seven studies by Piff and others both broadens the evidence for upper class selfishness by
examining the relationship between social class and ethical
behavior, and looks more carefully at the reasons for it.
That part of Piff's research that has
captured mass media attention is two studies of class differences in
driving behavior. As one blogger put it, “Rich people are more likely to drive like assholes.” In these studies, observers
surreptitiously watched whether drivers illegally cut off other cars
at an intersection, or illegally cut off pedestrians in the
crosswalk. Cars were classified into five categories of status
depending on their age, make and appearance. (Observers were able to
do this with high levels of agreement.) The results are shown below,
and were statistically significant.
Of course, the conclusion that rich
people are more likely to behave illegally depends on there being a
high correlation between people's personal wealth and the value of their car. The authors cite one source for this plausible assertion; I
have not yet been able to track it down.
The remaining five studies were
laboratory experiments which compared the willingness of students of
different family income levels to engage in mildly unethical
behaviors such as helping themselves to candy intended for children,
cheating in an experimental game, or reporting greater willingness to
engage in unethical behaviors at work. An important purpose of these
studies was to look at the relationship between these behaviors and a
measure of favorable attitudes toward greed, i.e., “Overall, greed
is moral.”
In all five studies, upper class
participants showed greater willingness to behave unethically. The
measure of greed also predicted unethical behavior. More
importantly, the relationship between social class and unethical
behavior was mediated by greed. That is, the relationship between
social class and misbehavior was no longer significant after
statistically eliminating the effect of greed.
To further demonstrate the mediating
role of greed, Piff primed the idea that greed is good by
asking participants to list three social benefits of greed. Not only
did students given this prime endorse more unethical behaviors, but
the differences between the social classes disappeared. That is, the
lower and middle class students endorsed just as many unethical
behaviors as the richer students after completing the “greed-is-good”
exercise.
Piff's explanations for his results is
that wealthy people are not dependent on others to meet their needs
and have better resources to cope with unanticipated costs of
unethical behavior, i.e., they can better afford a traffic
ticket. Their privileged situation encourages goal-directedness,
self-centeredness, and lack of concern for others--an attitude of entitlement. The results are social values that view greed as positive, and that in turn lead to
less helpful and more unethical behavior. Piff mentions
economics education as an additional factor that may encourage
upper-class greed.
Since Piff's subjects were college
students, I'm surprised he didn't mention parental modeling as a
contributing factor. In my view, unethical behavior is deeply
embedded in the capitalist system. Adult endorsement of greed may be part of an attempt to justify past selfish and
unethical behavior in the workplace, behavior which is perceived as
having been required for career advancement, or even to keep one's
job.
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