Showing posts with label prevention. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prevention. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 21, 2014

Safety First

OK, folks, raise your hands. Who's in favor of teenage pregnancy? How about teenage abortion? Childbirth?

Although the rate is declining, each year 600,000 American teenagers become pregnant; 30% will become pregnant at least once before the age of 20. According to the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, in 2010, births by teenage mothers cost the country $9.4 billion in health care, public assistance and lost income due to reduced educational attainment, to say nothing of the long-term public health and social costs to teenage mothers and their children.

Dr. Gina Secura and her colleagues at the Contraceptive CHOICE Project in St. Louis have published a case study of the effects of offering free long-term contraceptives to teenage girls. The participants were 1404 adolescents between 14 and 19 who were enrolled in the program between 2007 and 2011. They were recruited via referral from clinics, community flyers and word of mouth. To participate in the study, they had to be sexually active or say they were planning to be, and not want to become pregnant.

All participants received a standard counseling session in which the risks and benefits of alternative contraceptive methods were reviewed and questions answered. After making a choice, participants were provided with their chosen contraceptive option free of charge. Followup interviews were conducted by telephone at three months, six months and every six months thereafter for the next two or three years (depending on when they enrolled). They received a $10 gift card for each completed survey. The one, two and three year followup rates were 92%, 82% and 75%. Rates of pregnancy, birth and abortion were compared both to their age cohort in the general population and their sexually active age cohort (since enrollment was limited to those who were or planned to be sexually active). Here are the data, reported as the number of pregnancies, births and abortions per 1000 in the population.

CHOICE Project
U. S. Population
Sexually Active Teens
Pregnancy
34.0
57.4
158.5
Birth
19.4
34.4
94.0
Abortion
9.7
14.7
41.5

Comparing the CHOICE participants to sexually active teens in the general population—the more appropriate comparison group—shows that they became pregnant and gave birth at 21% the national average, and had abortions at 23% the national rate. The CHOICE Project reduced unwanted pregnancy more for older (18-19) than younger (14-17) girls, and more for African-American than White participants.

The project was effective primarily because the majority of participants—68.4% of the older and 77.5% of the younger girls—chose long-acting reversible contraceptive (LARC) methods, either the hormonal or non-hormonal IUD or the etonogestral implant, rather than birth control pills, rings, patches or injections. These methods don't require participants to remember to reuse them and have a close to zero failure rate. But fewer than 5% of teenagers in the general population use LARCs. The researchers report that most of their participants had never even heard of them.

The study doesn't separate the effects of counseling, the contraceptive method, or the fact that the contraceptives were free, and it's likely that all these factors played a role. Other limitations of the study include its less than 100% response rate, its reliance on self-report data about pregnancies, the possibility that the followups reminded some participants to use their contraceptives, and the requirement of parental consent for the 14 to 17-year-olds, who may have been at lower risk of pregnancy than those whose parents did not consent. These drawbacks may be balanced by the high percentage of African-American (60%) and poor teenagers in the CHOICE Project, who are at greater risk of unintended pregnancy than the general population.

Rarely do we have a chance to report a study that is so effective in solving an important social problem, and that provides such a vivid reminder of the superiority of prevention over remediation. The cost of these birth control methods varied, with the LARCs being more expensive—$400 to $1000 depending on the method and the individual. To this must be added the costs of recruitment, counseling and followup. All of this is a pittance compared to the medical and social costs of unwanted pregnancy. We have the technology; what we lack is the political will.

In theory, the Affordable Care Act requires insurance companies to cover all forms of contraception with no co-pay, but there is no reason for insurance companies to publicize this option.  And there are other problems:
  • Doctors probably don't follow as good a script as the CHOICE Project counselors, and are not as aggressive in recruitment and followup. In general, doctors get paid less for time spent talking to patients than other activities.
  • Teenagers, who are usually covered by their parents' insurance, may not seek contraceptives because the visit will show up on their parents' statements.
  • According to the National Health Interview Survey, 18.4% of Americans aged 18-64 were uninsured during the first three months of 2014. Girls from uninsured families are probably at greater risk of unwanted pregnancy than those whose families are insured.
The Secura study argues strongly for a single-payer health care system, not only to guarantee that everyone is covered, but also because government can prescribe a uniform set of procedures to be followed by doctors when discussing birth control with teenagers.

Newspaper articles about the Secura study mention anticipated resistance from conservatives who believe that providing teenagers with contraceptives encourages sexual activity. But these articles fail to mention that research doesn't support the claim that education about contraceptives encourages teenagers to have sex. (That would be rude.) In fact, the reverse is true. Comprehensive sex education is associated with delayed or reduced sexual activity.

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Wednesday, January 15, 2014

Living Downstream

As I write, 300,000 citizens of nine counties in West Virginia are gradually being allowed to use their tap water, although there may be legitimate questions about whether it is safe. The water is contaminated by 4-methylcyclohexane methanol (MCHM), a toxic chemical used to process coal, which was stored by Freedom Industries in antiquated containers poised on a hilltop overlooking the Elk River, just a mile upstream from the intake of Charleston's water treatment plant. This toxic chemical spill is symptomatic of a broader problem in how we deal with environmental and social problems.

© nofrackingway.us
A metaphor that is useful for describing intervention strategies is the distinction between upstream and downstream approaches, or the difference between prevention and remediation. Upstream strategies seek to prevent the problem; downstream approaches occur after the problem has occurred and try to minimize the harm that is done. Of course, some strategies are a combination of the two; there is a continuum between pure upstream and downstream approaches.

Consider the problem of waste. The downstream approach is discarding the waste—that is, we wait until it accumulates to the point of inconvenience and then either displace it (throw it “away,” as in a landfill), or attempt to dilute it by allowing it to escape into the public air, land and water. Of course, there is no such place as “away,” and dilution fails when the concentration of waste becomes too high (or when the waste is discharged a mile upstream from the water supply intake valve).

Upstream (prevention)                                                                                Downstream (remediation)
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Source reduction                                 Reuse                                           Recycling                                            Discarding

Recycling and reuse are more upstream approaches, with reuse being farther upstream than recycling. The difference can be illustrated with glass bottles. The old bottles can be ground up and used to manufacture new bottles (recycling), or the old bottles can be sanitized and reused.

The upstream solution to waste is source reduction: Produce less waste in the first place. Sometimes, this involves curtailing manufacture of the product. In other cases, the product can be produced more efficiently, so as to reduce unnecessary waste. Increased efficiency is usually an easier sell, since curtailment typically involves more sacrifice. For example, it's probably easier to convince people to insulate their homes than to set back their thermostats.

The most significant example of the need for source reduction is in energy production. Consider all the harm that is done to human health and safety by our reliance on fossil fuels—coal, oil and natural gas. We could meet all our energy needs much more cheaply with renewables. While solar and wind power generate some pollution, it is miniscule by comparison to fossil fuels. Yet we don't do it, even though it is now obvious that human survival depends on it.

From the perspective human well-being—the greatest good for the greatest number—upstream solutions are almost always more desirable than downstream solutions. They are typically cheaper and involve less inconvenience, or in the case of health problems, suffering. It would have been cheaper and better to slightly inconvenience Freedom Industries by requiring them to keep their containers in good repair, rather than forcing 300,000 people to do without water for several days. The cleanup cost will probably ultimately be borne by the taxpayers, since our laws are written so that Freedom Industries can easily write off its costs or declare bankruptcy.

The upstream-downstream model can be applied to any social or environmental problem. For example, it would be cheaper and more humane if we could prevent depression, but at the present time, depression is treated by giving people drugs that act primarily to mask its symptoms.

Why don't we rely on upstream solutions more often? In many cases, upstream solutions are less transparent. They are farther in space and time from the problem. People smoked tobacco for centuries before it was conclusively demonstrated that smoking causes lung cancer. Yet, compared to other cancers, this is a relatively obvious relationship. Finding upstream solutions to mental health problems may be even more challenging than preventing physical illness. Because upstream solutions are less obvious, it's more difficult to convince the public that they should be implemented. It's also harder to find financial support for the research needed to investigate upstream solutions.

But knowledge of how to prevent harm and evidence of its effectiveness was not the problem in West Virginia. The name of the polluting corporation turned out to be ironically appropriate, since so many corporations identify “freedom” with the absence of government regulation and oversight. Going without water for a week doesn't engage metaphors about freedom, although it should. It's hard to think of many things that reduce your freedom more than having to queue up for water for drinking and bathing, having to close local businesses, coming down with a pollution-related illness, etc.

While upstream solutions provide the greatest public good, not all people benefit equally from their adoption, and some are harmed by them. One person's freedom may conflict with another's. Since those that benefit from prevention are usually average citizens and those that are harmed are “corporate persons” and their wealthy owners, the issue is unequal political power. MCHM is one of tens of thousands of industral chemicals never tested for its risk to human health. But the real problem is that regulatory agencies are routinely captured by the industries they are supposed to be regulating. The Freedom Industries storage plant had not been inspected since 1991. In West Virginia, politicians' reliance on coal money has produced an environment in which they not only fail to act to reduce obvious health and safety hazards, but openly defy the Environmental Protection Agency. Pennsylvania residents might want to think about the potential for air and water quality disasters here, given our leadership's subservience to the natural gas industry.

Inequality of power is combined with a political system that is little more than legalized bribery, provided that the political contribution is sufficiently upstream from the decision to avoid being obvious. And in this country, due to the feedback loop running from inequality to political power to even greater inequality, the problem is increasing exponentially.

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