The false consensus effect
is a cognitive error in which we believe that more people agree with our attitudes than is actually the case. For example, both those who favor and those who oppose the legalization of marijuana might think that
theirs is the majority view. One explanation for false consensus is
that we tend to associate with others who share our views and are
therefore exposed to a biased sample of opinions. The opposite of
false consensus is a false uniqueness effect
in which people incorrectly believe that most others disagree with
them. However, most studies of the general population find false
consensus rather than false uniqueness.
In the study by Chadly Stern and others, 292 participants recruited over
the internet were asked their opinions on 41 topics, 22 non-political
and 19 political. They were asked to classify themselves as liberal,
moderate or conservative. Then they were asked to estimate the
percentage of people participating in the study “who share your
political beliefs” who agreed with them on each item. A true
measure of false consensus or uniqueness was obtained by comparing
the participants' estimates to the actual beliefs of the study
participants in their political in-group.
It was found that all three groups were inaccurate. Both moderates and
conservatives showed the usual false consensus effect, but liberals
showed false uniqueness. They underestimated the percentage of
fellow liberals who agreed with them. In a second study, 287
participants were this time asked to estimate the percentage of
people who shared their political beliefs in the American population
who agreed with them on each item. The same results were obtained.
The
authors proposed an explanation for the false uniqueness effect
among liberals: That they are higher on a personality trait
called need for uniqueness, defined as a strong dispositional desire
to feel unique. The authors used 11 items from this 34-item Need for Uniqueness Scale, but I'm not sure which ones. Liberals are indeed
higher than moderates and conservatives in need for uniqueness. An analysis showed that the relationship between political ideology and
overestimation of consensus was mediated by need for uniqueness,
meaning that the correlation between ideology and overestimation was
significantly reduced when the effect of their common relationship to
need for uniqueness was statistically removed.
I have
some concerns about this study. For example, I'm not sure how
participants interpreted the phrase “people who share your
political beliefs.” It would have been better if the instructions
had specifically referred to fellow liberals, moderates or
conservatives. There are good reasons to expect liberals to
underestimate the percentage of people in the general population who
agree with them. As Justin Lewis has demonstrated, the corporate
media tend to exclude progressive opinions from public debate,
leading liberals to feel outside the political mainstream. For
example, the media continually identify support for modest cuts in
Social Security and Medicare as the centrist political position when
their own polls show that the public is overwhelmingly opposed to
such cuts. If the participants in the Stern study were confused
about the group whose attitudes they were estimating, this could
partially explain the results. Liberals have been marginalized by
the corporate media.
I am
also unimpressed with the attempt to explain liberals' behavior as
resulting from a need for uniqueness. In my opinion, the words
“need” and “uniqueness” are both overstatements. The items in the scale largely reflect the respondent's willingness to engage in
nonconforming behavior. All the data in this study are correlational, not causal. The apparent "need" for uniqueness could be as much a result of the
illusion of uniqueness as its cause. In any case, the relationship
between ideology and overestimation of consensus appears to still be
statistically significant after the effect of need for uniqueness is
removed, so it's not a complete explanation for the phenomenon.
In the article, the authors contrast the Occupy Movement to the Tea Party.
They note that the Tea Party became a potent political force, while
they claim the Occupy Movement broke down due to internal bickering,
presumably a result of their individual needs to feel unique. This
ignores a far more important reason for the Tea Party's greater
success. They received behind-the-scenes financial and logistical support from wealthy conservatives and were welcomed into the
Republican Party. The Occupy Movement, on the other hand, received
almost no outside support, and was shunned by the Democrats, who
chose to side instead with their wealthy political donors, mostly
members of the 1%. To attribute the failure of the Occupy Movement to the personalities of its members is politically naive. One of my pet peeves is the tendency for
psychologists—even social
psychologists, who should know better—to attribute behavior
primarily to personal motives and overlook situational forces that
are much more likely explanations for the behavior.
Regardless
of why liberals underestimate their political strength, it is
important that they examine public opinion polls directly, rather than trusting the corporate media to interpret them. (See, for example, my recent post on the public's “surprising” views on climate
change.)
You may also be interested in reading:
The Myth of the Conservative Voter
Public Getting Warmer
Who Cares What They Think
The Myth of the Conservative Voter
Public Getting Warmer
Who Cares What They Think
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